I
In the mythical past, the valley was once a beautiful lake inhabited by Nagas, the snake people, living in fear of the demon Jaladeo. Their guardian Nila Naga beseeched his father, the sage Kashyap, for the deliverance of the Nagas from the demon. Lord Shiva left his abode on Mount Kailash and hurled his trident into the mountains to rip open a hole for draining the lake of its water. Then Lakshmi, assuming the form of a myna bird, dropped a pebble on Jaladeo from a great height. The pebble embedded in the demon’s flesh grew to a hill known as Hari Parbat. The valley was named Kashyapamar in gratitude to the sage. It is easy for the word Kashyapamar to gradually get abridged into Kashmir in a couple of mythical epochs, the span of which we are not supposed to know.
The reality of recent turmoil in the land that is bogged down by the baggage of history is a far cry from the simplicity of the myth. There is no shortage of myth-makers, however, who will have us believe that the destinies of the people of our sub-continent are linked with that baggage which we are bound to carry we do not know how long. In fact, India needs no Kashmir to prove that Muhammad Ali Jinnah has been wrong in advocating his crazy idea that Muslims and Hindus in the sub-continent are two separate nations. History of the sub-continent over the past six decades has rubbished that idea. Bangladesh would not have broken away from Pakistan if the two-nation theory had not been a crazy proposal. The question is whether India needs Kashmir to prove to ourselves the validity of the great ideas of secularism it has been founded upon.
The latest turbulence in Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) over the
Amarnath shrine board land issue has as much to do with communal polarisation that has been building up there over the years, as with the whole gamut of issues that have been left unresolved by history because of political exigencies and strategic compulsions. Political follies, intentional and unintentional, have only added up to the confusion and havoc where a sense of imagined and real alienation of the people is easily exploited by divisive forces on either side of the psychological divide. Use of force is often sought to be the only option of the government to quell recurrent outbursts. Are there other options and which is the most viable option?
These question have been asked time and again and will continue to be asked till J&K remains a thorn in India’s side. The baggage of history may perhaps also help us understand the problem and provide some clues that offer a starting point for resolving what now seems to be an irresolvable issue. As long as it is allowed to be a chip on our shoulder, we cannot open-mindedly talk about it and express our views without risking the hazard of being dubbed anti-national and unpatriotic. Writers like
Arundhati Roy,
Vir Sanghvi and
Swaminathan S.A. Aiyer have already come out to face the risk.
II
Jammu and Kashmir was priced Rs. 75 lakh after the Sikhs suffered defeat at the hands of the East India Company in the first Sikh War. The territories were not on sale, nor were there more buyers. The British wanted to transfer the area to Gulab Singh, a Dogra chief and loyalist, and make him its independent ruler under a treaty signed in Amritsar on March 16, 1846.
Buddhist and Hindu dynasties had ruled Kashmir till 14 th century, when a Muslim dynasty started ruling it until it was invaded by Mughal Emperor Akbar in 1587. After two hundred years of Mughal rule, Kashmir had come under the control of Pathans loyal to Kabul in 1752 till Maharajah Ranjit Singh, the great Sikh ruler, conquered it. Ranjit Singh had bestowed the estate of Jammu with the hereditary title of `Rajah’ on Gulab Singh as a reward for his services. After the death of Ranjit Singh, the Dogra chief had switched his loyalty to the British who fought the Sikhs.
The Treaty of Amritsar was the East India’s Company’s reward to him for his shifting of loyalty. But it also marked the beginning of J&K as a political entity. Hari Singh, who ascended the throne in 1925, was Gulab Singh’s fourth and last descendant. The All-Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference (later renamed National Conference) was formed in 1932, with Sheikh Abdullah as its leader, to fight for the rights of the Muslim community as there were complaints of discrimination against Muslims under the Dogra rule.
The Quit Kashmir campaign launched by the Conference in 1946 sought an end to the feudal rule of Hari Singh. After Lord Mountbatten announced on June 3, 1947 the British plan to relinquish power to two domains - India and Pakistan - Hari Singh was evasive about accession to either, despite Mountbatten’s suggestion to him that Kashmir could accede to Pakistan considering the composition of the population. V.P. Menon, secretary to the Government of India in the Ministry of States who worked in close association with Deputy Prime Minister Sardar Vallabhai Patel and was privy to the developments during the days before and after Independence, gives a sympathetic description of the Maharajah’s procrastination: “…situated as he was, it was not easy for him to come to a decision. If he acceded to Pakistan, the non-Muslims of Jammu and Ladakh as well as considerable sections of Muslims led by the National Conference would definitely have resented such action.” (
Integration of Indian States, Orient Longman, 1956, p. 452).
Despite the Standstill Agreement Hari Singh signed with Pakistan, frontier tribesmen backed by Pakistan army started their incursion into Kashmir on October 22, 1947. Two days later, they captured Mahura Power Station and cut off power to Srinagar. Menon flew to Srinagar the next day. He recounts his advice to Hari Singh to leave for Jammu for safety and his hectic parleys in Srinagar and Delhi:
“We left Srinagar in the first light of the morning of 26 October and immediately on my arrival in Delhi I went straight to a meeting of the Defence Committee…Lord Mountbatten said that it would be improper to move Indian troops into what was at the moment an independent country as Kashmir had not yet decided to accede to either India or Pakistan…This [accession of J & K] was the only basis on which Indian troops could be sent to the rescue of the State from further pillaging by the aggressors. He further expressed the strong opinion that, in view of the composition of the population, accession should be conditional on the will of the people being ascertained by a plebiscite after the raiders had been driven out of the State and law and order had been restored. This was readily agreed to by Nehru and other ministers.” (Integration of Indian States pp. 457-458).
The same day Menon flew to Jammu to get the Instrument of Accession signed by the Maharaja. The proviso of a future plebiscite was acceptable to Sheikh Abdullah who believed that accession should be on the basis of the will of the people. Jinnah was against the idea of plebiscite because he knew that with the Sheikh at the helm as their leader, the people would accept the accession to India.
The signing of the accession agreement was followed by a massive operation of airlifting of Indian troops to Srinagar. As per the terms of the accession, Sheikh Abdullah was sworn in as Prime Minister of Jammu and Kashmir on October 31. The Indian troops pushed back the raiders and re-captured Baramulla, Uri and other areas. When the cease-fire was signed between India and Pakistan 14 months later, the latter was left with a portion of the State.
III
In a famous speech on May 15, 1946 at the height of the Quit Kashmir agitation, Sheikh Abdullah said that the `time has come to tear up the Treaty of Amritsar…Sovereignty is not the birthright of Maharaja Hari Singh.’ When he was arrested by Hari Singh’s government citing this speech, Nehru announced that he would personally head a team of lawyers to defend the Sheikh. Nehru left for Srinagar on June 15 but he was stopped by Hari Singh’s forces before he reached the capital the next day. Nehru was adamant that he would leave Kashmir only after meeting the Sheikh in jail. However, under pressure from the Congress Party, Nehru left Kashmir only to visit again to watch the trial proceedings against the Sheikh later.
The Sheikh was sentenced to imprisonment for three years. Gandhiji himself left for Kashmir on July 30 and met Begum Abdullah to convey the Congress’ support to the jailed leader. By the end of September, the Kashmiri leader was released under pressure from the government of independent India. In his first speech on October 4 after the release, he repudiated the two-nation theory: “We want people’s raj in Kashmir. It will not be a government of any particular community but of all – Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs.”
Prime Minister Nehru was vocally committed to his promise that the people of Kashmir would be given the chance to decide their future under the supervision of the U.N. The Indian Constitution awarded J&K a `special status’ through Article 370. The 1951 election to the Constituent Assembly of the State left no one in doubt about the popularity of Sheikh Abdullah and the cause he espoused. The results showed the people’s rejection of Pakistan’s claim to Kashmir. The National Conference (NC) was opposed in only two out of 45 constituencies in the Valley and Ladakh. Nehru himself went to Srinagar to celebrate the victory. It is alleged that the Sheikh had ensured the rejection of nomination of rival candidates and that Nehru himself was complicit in this unethical act.
The Kashmiri leader, however, started showing some ambivalence and toying with the idea of independence or some sort of confederation of India, Pakistan and Kashmir. Predictably, his ambivalence was made best use of by Hindu organisations such as Jana Sangh formed by Shyma Prasad Mookerjee, the Hindu Mahasabha, the RSS and the Jammu Praja Parishad as well as the Akali Dal. Journalist and author M.J. Akbar sums up the Sheikh’s ambivalence in his brilliant book
India Under Siege (Lotus Rolli, 2003):
“Part of the reason for the Sheikh’s worry was that India might not always be ruled by a Nehru – indeed, the signs of Hindu bigotry were already visible in the government; partly it was the old ambition to remain independent; and party such thoughts were helped along by the Americans and the British who could recognize the strategic importance of the extraordinary geographical situation of Kashmir, in the centre of five ambitious, substantial powers. The Sheikh now began to talk about a withdrawal of Pakistani troops from Kashmir, Indian demilitarization and then the promised plebiscite conducted by the U N.” (p. 243)
Akbar is among the authors who try to absolve Nehru of any involvement in shaping the plot to remove the Sheikh from power and install Bakshi Gulam Mohammad. But there are disclosures proving that the Prime Minister was not completely oblivious to the moves to dismiss Sheikh Abdullah. A.G. Noorani in his essay,
`The Legacy of 1953’, refuses to give a clean chit to Nehru. The Sheikh turned a Thomas Becket to Nehru’s Henry II, he says and shows how Nehru himself had changed:
“The change came, not in the Sheikh, but in his friend, Prime Minister Jawaharlar Nehru, who personally gave the orders for his friend’s dismissal to [Intelligence Bureau Director B.N.] Mullik and his own secretary M.O. Mathai, both on July 31.”
Noorani says that there was a reversal in Nehru’s stand on the question of the Jammu and Kashmir Constituent Assembly’s intention to ratify the accession. While Sheikh Abdullah preferred it to plebiscite in October 1951, Nehru opposed it because it would be an embarrassment for the country before the UN. A few months later, Nehru reversed his stand and wanted Kashmir to `finalise’ its relationship to India. Years later, in his speech at the second session of the J&K State People’s Convention on June 8, 1970, Sheikh Abdullah said:
“The final break in our relations came in 1953 when Pandit Jawaharlal suggested that I should get the accession ratified by the Kashmir Constituent Assembly. This change in his attitude baffled me for he had himself opposed it in the past…I strongly advised him against such a step. This led to my removal from the premiership of the State and long imprisonment without trial.” (quoted in A.G. Noorani’s essay `Brought to Heel’)
IV
The plot was thickening against the Sheikh and the efforts of his enemies to unseat him gathered momentum following the death of Shyama Prasad Mookerjee. The Jana Sangh leader had gone to Jammu in June 1953 to lead the agitation against the Sheikh Abdullah’s government. He had been placed under arrest and he died of heart attack in jail. The Sheikh also was vitriolic while attacking his enemies. On August 9, 1953, he was dismissed and arrested along with his colleagues. A new government headed by Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad was sworn in. The authorities planted a story that he had been arrested just before crossing over to Pakistan. He was in jail till his release on January 8, 1958. During his term in jail, the J&K Constituent Assembly had ratified the accession.
Sheikh Abdullah’s take was that the accession should not be considered final just because it was confirmed by the Assembly which had lost its democratic character. He called for a fresh election demanding that Kashmiris should be given the right to determine their future. Again charged with treason, he was re-arrested on April 30, 1958. By then, the question of plebiscite was no longer in India’s agenda because the Government realised that after the dismissal and arrest of the Sheikh, the Muslims of Kashmir would rebuff the idea of joining India.
After his release six years later, the Sheikh again seriously proposed his idea of confederation. Nehru’s death on May 27, 1964 marked the beginning of a new era of relationship between Indian establishment and Kashmir. The G.M. Sadiq government then in power changed the special nomenclatures of designations Sadr-i-Riyasat (or President) and Prime Minister of Kashmir into Governor and Chief Minister respectively. Some of the Sheikh’s activities helped the establishment demonise him. His meeting with the Chinese Prime Minister Chou En-lai in Algiers in March 1965 was the trigger. He was arrested when he came back and kept in house arrest in Ootty and Kodaikanal for another 30 months. Jayaprakash Narayan’s letter to Mrs. Indira Gandhi on June 23, 1966 shows the outrage some of the prominent national leaders felt at the Kashmiri leader’s continued detention. “The problem exists not because Pakistan wants to grab Kashmir, but because there is deep and widespread political discontent among the people”, JP wrote.
The discontent among the people in the Valley erupts whenever there is a spark, imaginary or real. The transfer of land to the Amarnath shrine board for setting up facilities for pilgrims to the shrine was just that spark. Pro-Pakistan outbursts of protests by Kashmiri Muslims following an economic blockade by Sangh Parivar-backed groups in Jammu protesting against the revocation of the transfer of land showed the seriousness of that discontent.
Three years after his release from jail, a war broke out between India and Pakistan. The 1971 war crashed all remaining hopes of a solution to the Kashmir issue. India pulled off a decisive victory in December 1971. Kashmir was for all intents and purposes partitioned by the Shimla Agreement signed between Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and Pakistani leader Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. The cease-fire Line of Control has been the
de facto border that divides the two parts of the State since then.
Prolonged negotiations that followed led to what is known as the Kashmir Accord of February 1975 between Indira Gandhi and Sheikh Abdullah. The accord gave finality to the accession and the question of any kind of independent status to the State was out of the table. The Sheikh was sworn in as Chief Minister under the accord and fresh elections were held in July 1977. Earlier in March, the Congress, which lost Delhi to Janata Party, had withdrawn support to the Sheikh. The Kashmiri leader proved his mass popularity in the State once again and the Congress won not a single seat in the State election. The State saw stability for the next five years when Sheikh Abdullah remained on the gaddi till his death on September 8, 1982.
V
The recent protest marches in Kashmir, clamping of curfew and police firing to quell the pro-azadi protest were a throwback to the turmoil that the Valley had witnessed in 1984 after the Congress government led by Indira Gandhi dismissed the NC government in the State headed by Dr. Farooq Abdullah, who came to power with a landslide victory in the election held in 1983. The protestors had waved green flags of Pakistan then as they did recently when Kashmir was on the boil. It was true that Dr. Abdullah who had been groomed by his father as his political heir was sworn in as Chief Minister with the Centre’s approval in 1982. In the election, the NC secured 38 per cent of votes in Jammu where Indira Gandhi launched an aggressive campaign against the former. She was accused of appealing to Hindu majoritarianism in Jammu during the poll campaign. And her mobilisation of Hindu sentiments worked in Jammu where the Congress pocketed 23 of 32 Assembly seats, while its performance in the Valley was dismal as it won only two seats. Pro-Pakistan Jamat-e-Islami, which fielded 35 candidates, was completely routed.
But the Congress leadership at the Centre had an axe to grind. The Congress orchestrated defection in the NC to remove Dr. Abdullah and install his arch-rival and brother-in-law G.M. Shah on July 2, 1984. All democratic niceties were thrown to the winds that day. The
coup de grace evoked memories the 1953 dismissal of the Sheikh. Special forces were flown to Srinagar surreptitiously the night before the
coup to repress any protests. The dismissal of the Farooq Abdullah government was a huge blow to democracy and sparked nation-wide protests by opposition parties. There was a widespread feeling that the dismissal was in retaliation for Dr. Abdullah’s presence at a meeting of opposition leaders convened by N.T. Rama Rao in Vijayavada on May 28, 1982.
The Congress government at the Centre in those years always treated Kashmiri politicians as pawns. After the death of Indira Gandhi, on October 31, 1984, Dr. Abdullah chose a reconciliatory path. The G.M. Shah government, installed undemocratically by Delhi was dismissed by Governor Jagmohan in 1986 citing breakdown of law and order. The Congress this time forged an alliance with Dr. Abdullah who was re-installed ahead of the Assembly elections held in March 1987.
The election saw the emergence of Islamist movement in Kashmir under the umbrella of the Muslim United Front backed by Jamat-e-Islami. The MUF appealed to the resentment of the people and appeared to be a formidable front against the National Conference-Congress alliance. The alliance, however, pulled off a remarkable victory by winning 66 of the total 76 seats. The outcome raised widespread allegations of election rigging and misuse of power. The disillusionment of the people, especially the youth, following that controversial election made Kashmir a fertile ground for secessionist Islamist outfits trained from across the border to start armed militant movements.
VI
“Muslims Awake! Do not barter away your honour and the Kashmir cause by voting. Do not forget the sacrifices of your brothers and sons”, proclaimed a Hizb-ul-Mujahideen poster that appeared in Kashmir during the election campaign in 2002. It warned that “All those who will vote will be shot.” But voters braved the threat and cast their votes. Though the average voter turnout was 44 per cent, the elections were held in a free and fair manner. There were no allegations of rigging and coercion. The National Conference was voted out and the People’s Democratic Party and the Congress joined hands and formed a coalition government.
That election brought new hopes as it brought to an end the government led by Dr. Farooq Abdullah who had already been discredited in the eyes of the people after the controversial 1987 election. He had resigned three years later as the State saw the rise of armed insurgency. The years that followed saw assassinations of pro-accession leaders and government officials, mass exodus of Kashmiri Pandits, boycott of polls by separatist groups under the umbrella of
All Party Hurriyat Conference started in 1993, the army crackdown, the election of Dr. Farooq Abdullah in the 1996 Assembly polls that raised the allegations of soldiers coercing ordinary people into casting their votes and the Vajpayee government’s initiatives to start dialogue with all parties in the State including the separatists.
All those hopes after the 2002 elections have crashed as Jammu and Kashmir regions plunged into turmoil over the Amarnath land transfer issue. The Congress Chief Minister Ghulam Nabi Azad resigned in June 2008 after the PDP withdrew its support in the wake of the mass protests in the Valley over the issue. Pro-azadi slogans were again shouted during massive protest marches in Kashmir and communal passions were stoked by Sangh Parivar outfits in Jammu. Things are now apparently back to the square one.
Perhaps, there will be another spell of lull after the latest outbreak of trouble in the State over the land transfer issue. But it may not be long before there is another issue that comes handy for the people of Kashmir to raise pro-Pakistani or pro-azadi slogans. Plebiscite is no longer seen as a good option today primarily because of the hardening of positions on Kashmir in the rest of the country. An independent Kashmir will give ammunition to the Sangh Parivar to vitiate the situation in the country. The best available option is autonomy. Recommendations of the committee on autonomy constituted by the J&K government in 1996 which envisage the return of Kashmir to pre-1953 status with the Centre’s control over the State limited to defence, foreign affairs and communication may be a good starting point. Of course, there was a vociferous hue and cry when the State Assembly passed a resolution on June 26, 2000 urging the State and Central governments to implement the committee’s report. The resolution adopted with the support of the NC government headed by Dr. Abdullah whipped up passions, with the Sangh Parivar alleging that it was nothing short of treason.
A positive aspect of the whole issue is the refusal of Muslims in the rest of India to express solidarity with separatist demands of Muslim fundamentalist outfits in Kashmir. They know that their interests are best served in secular India and that democracy gives them opportunity to voice their grievances and concerns. In India, Sunnis, Shia Muslims and disparate sects and groups among them are treated with equal respect, something that is unknown in many Islamic countries.
It is time we started a dispassionate and democratic debate on the question of autonomy to Kashmir. A sage-saviour to be approached for deliverance from the demon (Indian state for Kashmiris and Pakistan-aided separatists for us Indians) exists only in the realm of myths.